泽熙美文English Chinese Translation
Some recent historians have argued that life in the British colonies in America from approximately 1763 to 1789 was marked by internal conflicts among colonists. Inheriting some of the viewpoints of early twentieth-century progressive historians such as Beard and Becker, these recent historians have put forward arguments that deserve evaluation.
The kind of conflict most emphasized by these historians is class conflict. Yet with the Revolutionary War dominating these years, how does one distinguish class conflict within that larger conflict? Certainly not by the side a person supported. 1 Although many of these historians have accepted the earlier assumption that Loyalists represented an upper class, new evidence indicates that Loyalists, like rebels, were drawn from all socioeconomic classes. (It is nonetheless probably true that a larger percentage of the well-to-do joined the Loyalists than joined the rebels.) Looking at the rebel side, we find little evidence for the contention that lower-class rebels were in conflict with upper-class rebels. Indeed, the war effort against Britain tended to suppress class conflicts. 2 Where it did not, the disputing rebels of one or another class usually Loyalists. Loyalism thus operated as a safety valve to remove socioeconomic discontent that existed among the rebels. Disputes occurred, of course, among those who remained on the rebel side, but the extraordinary social mobility of eighteenth-century American society (with the obvious exception of slaves) usually prevented such disputes from hardening along class lines. Social structure was in fact so fluid—though recent statistics suggest a narrowing of economic opportunity as the latter half of the century progressed—that to talk about social classes at all requires the use of loose economic categories such as rich, poor, and middle class, or eighteenth-century designations like “the better sort”. 3 Despite these vague categories, one should not claim unequivocally that hostility between recognizable classes cannot be legitimately observed. Outside of New York, however, there were very few instances of openly expressed class antagonism.
Having said this, one must add that there is much evidence to support the further claim of recent historians that sectional conflicts were common between 1763 and 1789. The “Paxton Boys” incident and the Regulator movement are representative examples of the widespread, and Justified, discontent of western settlers against colonial or state governments dominated by eastern interest. 4 Although undertones of class conflict existed beneath such hostility, the opposition was primarily geographical. Sectional conflict which also existed between North and South deserves further investigation.
In summary, historians must be careful about the kind of conflict they emphasize in eighteenth-century America. 5 Yet those who stress the achievement of a general consensus among the colonists cannot fully understand that consensus without understanding the conflicts that had to be overcome or repressed in order to reach it.
1.
正确答案：
虽然这些历史学家中的很多人也接受先前的这种假设，即亲英分子代表上层阶级，但新的证据表明，亲英分子同反叛分子一样，都来自于所有的社会经济阶层。
2.
正确答案：
在没有抑制阶级冲突的地方，一个阶级或另一个阶级中争吵的反叛者通常变成亲英分子。
3.
正确答案：
尽管存在着这些模糊的分类，人们也不应该明确地宣称：在可识别的阶级之间的敌意不能在法律上观察到。
4.
正确答案：
虽然阶级冲突的含意存在于这种仇恨之中，但反抗主要是区域性的。
5.
正确答案：
然而强调在殖民者中取得了一致性的那些人，只有当他们理解了为了实现这种一致性就必须克服或者压制那些冲突的时候，才能完全理解这种一致性。
We’ve come to a turning point, a moment for hard decision. I have asked that Cabinet and my staff a question and now I put the same question to all of you. If not us, who? And if not now, when? 6 It must be done by all of us going forward with a program aimed at reaching a balanced budget. We can then begin reducing the national debt.
I will shortly submit a budget to the Congress aimed at freezing government program spending for the next year. 7 Beyond this, we must take further steps to permanendy control government’s power to tax and spend.
We must act now to protect further generation form government’s desire to spent its citizens money and tax them into servitude when the bills come due. 8 Let us make it unconstitutional for the Federal Government to spend more than the Federal Government takes in.
We have already started returning to the people and to state and local governments responsibilities better handled by them. Now, there is a place for the Federal Government in matters of social compassion. 9 But our fundamental goals must be to reduce dependency and upgrade the dignity of those who are infirm or disadvantage. And here a growing economy and support from family and community offer our best chance for a society where compassion is a way of life, where the old and infirm are cared for, the young and, yes the unborn, protected, and the unfortunate looked after and made self-sufficient.
Now there is another area where the Federal Government can play a part. As an older American, I remember a time when people of different race, creed or ethnic origin in our land found hatred and prejudice installed in social custom and, yes, in law. There’s no story more heartening in our history than the progress that we’ve made toward the brotherhood of man that God intended for us. 10 Let us resolve: there will be no turning back or hesitation on the road to an America rich in dignity and abundant with opportunity for all our citizens.
6.
正确答案：
我们所有人必须首先完成旨在实现平衡预算的计划，然后方可着手减少国家债务。
7.
正确答案：
此外，我们必须进一步采取措施永久性地控制政府税收和开支的权力。
8.
正确答案：
我们应当规定，联邦政府的开支额如果超出收入额，就属于违反宪法的行为。
9.
正确答案：
然而，我们的基本目标是要减少依赖性，并提高弱者和被剥夺了基本权利的人的自尊心。
10.
正确答案：
在建立一个美国全体公民都具有高度的尊严和各种机会的道路上，我们决心不会出现倒退或犹豫。
In his autobiography. Darwin himself speaks of his intellectual powers with extraordinary modesty. He points out that he always experienced much difficulty in expressing himself clearly and concisely, but 11 he believes that this very difficulty may have had the compensating advantage of forcing him to think lone and intently about every sentence, and thus enabling him to detect errors in reasoning and in his own observation. He disclaimed the possession of any great quickness of apprehension or wit, such as distinguished Huxley. 12 He asserted, also, that his power to follow a long and purely abstract train of thought was very limited, for which reason he felt certain that he never could have succeeded with mathematics. His memory, too, he described as extensive, but hazy. So poor in one sense was it that he never could remember for more than a few days a single date or a line of poetry. 13 On the other hand, he did not accept as well founded the charge made by some of his critics that, while he was a good obsever, he had no power of reasoning. This, he thought, could not be true, because the “Origin of Species” is one long argument
